Today's scholar is Professor Amy Murrell Taylor, professor of history at the University of Albany. She is the author of the marvelous book The Divided Family in Civil War America (2005) and a co-editor (with Michael Perman) of Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction.
1. Ever since the Civil War began, Americans have been
fascinated by "what caused" it. How do the scholars and scholarly
debates in Major Problems in the Civil
War and Reconstruction present this debate?
We present this debate by suggesting that it is no longer
a “debate” at all. To ask “what caused”
the Civil War is usually to ask if it was caused by slavery, and the answer to
that, my co-editor Michael Perman and I firmly believe, is a resounding
yes. Of course, this is not the answer
that some Americans still prefer, and quite a few of my students last
semester—here in New York, I might add—came into my course thinking that
slavery was not really the cause of the Civil War but something that was thrown
into the mix somewhere down the line. But
the vast scholarly literature on the coming of the war over the last couple
decades keeps coming back to this answer, so it would have been out of date to present
it as an open question.
Our Major Problems volume therefore builds on the
premise that slavery caused the Civil War and then considers the next logical
question: how did slavery cause the war?
It may be that part of the hesitation
about – or denial of – slavery’s role in the war comes from a basic lack of
understanding of exactly how it could become intertwined in the nation’s
social, political, and economic development all at once. It is not easy to straighten out this history
in one’s mind. But rather than abandon
the effort, we encourage students to confront the complex history of slavery’s
causation in multiple ways. The second
chapter in the volume, “The Slave South,” for example, considers how slavery shaped
popular beliefs about the South’s economy and society. To what extent did slavery encourage
Americans—then and now—to view the South as a different place? To what extent did the belief in those differences
affect their impulse to compromise or go to war? Chapters three, “The Impending Crisis,” and
four, “Sectionalism and Secession,” turn next to politics, and specifically, to
the way in which slavery entered into and changed the course of politics in the
1840s-1860s. What did leaders North and
South think was at stake when they debated the expansion of slavery in the
west? What did they fear? How did this debate give rise to distinct
political worldviews on either side of the sectional divide? And how did this, in turn, make war seem
increasingly necessary and unavoidable?
2. If you had to select one primary document that showed
the coming of the Civil War, which would it be and how would you use it in the
classroom?
I have actually used all of them, but there is one that,
time and again, makes students sit up and take notice: Alexander Stephens’March 1861 address – his so-called “cornerstone” speech. To hear the vice president of the Confederacy
state outright that this new nation’s “foundations are laid, its cornerstone
rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that
slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral
condition,” is quite shocking for some readers.
My students don’t expect to hear one of our historical actors talk so
explicitly – they expect more formal or indirect 19th century
phrasing, I guess – and of course the speech demolishes the notion that slavery
was somehow incidental rather than central to the South’s secession. It was its “cornerstone.” (Interestingly, Jefferson Davis didn’t expect
to hear Stephens talk so explicitly either and was reportedly dismayed by the
vice president’s carelessness in revealing the centrality of slavery.)
I always tell students that the best way to understand
the past, or to understand how and why people acted in the way that they did in
the past, is to read their words. Here
is a set of words that does not distract students with unfamiliar language, and
does not beat around the bush, but instead cuts right to the heart of the
matter of why the Confederacy came to exist.
It pulls away the curtains that students may have thought still obscured
the Civil War past. Sure, I’ve had some
students who were inclined to be skeptical, who would rather see the speech as
the view of one person rather than of the whole, but even this reaction can
help elicit a more general discussion perspective and representativeness in our
primary sources.
3. What are the next plans for _Major Problems in the
Civil War and Reconstruction_?
We would like to publish another volume! And I think the scholarly literature on the
Civil War will support a revised volume in the not-too-distant future. It might surprise some people that a single
war could generate the thousands of books that it has – and still manage to stimulate
more and more books every year. But it
does, and right now Civil War scholarship seems to be as healthy and vibrant as
ever. I don’t think this has much to do
with the current sesquicentennial observance prompting new work, but instead has
more to do with some of the dynamics of the field itself. We now have not one but two journals devoted
to publishing scholarship in the era – and both are excellent – and this summer
the Society of Civil War Historians is about to host its 3rd
conference. New trends evident in
American history more broadly seem to be making a dent on the war’s literature
too, from environmental and public health history to the history of technology,
and I can already envision a future volume that would take these new approaches
into account.
4. What are you working on now or are there any of your
more recent articles or books that would help students more interested in this
topic?
I’m working on a book about the
mass flight of enslaved men, women, and children during the Civil War--the
so-called “contrabands.” It’s a population
that is widely known about (see the documents by Benjamin Butler and the
American Freedmen’s Inquiry Commission in our volume). But it’s also a population more commonly
discussed as a collective--as a powerful force numbering over 500,000--than as individuals. So I am tackling such basic questions as: Who
were they? Where did they go? What did they experience on a day-to-day
basis while living in Union camps? For a
narrow glimpse of this research, students are welcome to consult an article I
recently published: “How a Cold Snap in Kentucky Led to Freedom for Thousands:
An Environmental Story of Emancipation,” in Stephen Berry, ed., Weirding the
War: Stories from the Civil War’s Ragged Edges (Athens: University of
Georgia Press, 2011). I should also note
that there are other projects about emancipation in the works right now by
other historians, so I suspect that this could be yet another topic to be
addressed differently in a forthcoming Major Problems volume.










